July 21, 2009
Source: https://www.gov.il/en/pages/speechjeworga210709 and https://www.gov.il/en/pages/speechjeworga2210709
Israeli PM Netanyahu gives five prerequisites for a peace with the Palestinians: mutual recognition, refugee resolution outside of Israel, end of conflict commitment, demilitarized Palestinian state, guaranteed treaty or arrangement by the international community.
“The five principles that are not preconditions for beginning peace talks, but I think they are clear foundations for a successful completion of peace talks.
- The first principle is recognition. We are asked to recognize a nation-state for the Palestinian people. I think that it’s necessary and elementary that the Palestinians be asked to recognize the nation-state of the Jewish people. I think that the absence of the recognition of Israel’s right or of the Jewish people’s right to a state of their own was and remains the source, the root of this conflict.
- The second principle is that the problem of the (Palestinian) refugees will be resolved outside the State of Israel.
- The third point ought to be obvious too, but I make it here too – it all relates to the question of ending the conflict. And that is that a peace treaty actually ends the conflict. It’s not an interim peace treaty from which the conflict is pursued from the Palestinian state that will be established. It’s the end of the conflict.
- It’s clear that the Palestinian state established should be one that doesn’t threaten the State of Israel. The only way that that will be achieved is by effective demilitarization – this is the fourth point. We need effective measures of demilitarization. I’ll tell you what ineffective measures of demilitarization are: Gaza is an example; Lebanon is an example. There is no effective demilitarization in either place, and in fact, the arrangements that have been put in place, either in the Philadelphi Corridor or in South Lebanon have produced a highly ineffective arrangement where these two places are used as a launching ground for thousands of missiles that have been hurled against us – now in South Lebanon, tens of thousands of missiles are in place, and in Gaza many, many missiles that are being piled up and smuggled inside that area to be launched again. We want effective means of demilitarization. I think this is the fourth point – absolutely essential.
- And the fifth point is that whatever arrangements are undertaken in a peace arrangement, in a peace treaty, have to be guaranteed by the international community, led by the United States. That is, we want to have clear demilitarization means and a clear commitment by the international community about the validity and the robustness of these security arrangements.
Prime Minister’s Opening Statement
Strengthening the connection of the Jewish communities around the world, especially in the United States, to Israel is something that is important both to my government and to me personally. It’s also important for the people of Israel. I look forward to working with all of you and also with Natan Sharansky. Natan is on the line, and will join us after I make a few remarks. I want to work with him and with the Conference of Presidents, with all of you, to advance our common goals. And these are broad, they encompass a lot. They encompass Aliyah and Jewish education and the strengthening of Jewish identity – to the broader and pressing questions of peace and security. And I hope that this will be the first of many conversations that we’ll have in the months and years ahead. So, view this as a pioneering effort. Let’s do it often.
Now, before I take your questions today, I wanted to focus on two pivotal issues: the situation with Iran and the question of peace with the Palestinians. First on Iran – very simply put, if the Iranian regime acquires nuclear weapons, I think this would be a hinge of history. It would present a grave threat to Israel, to the Middle East and to the world at large. The reason I say that is because the recent elections have unmasked the true character of this regime. This is a regime that brutally represses its own people; it sponsors terrorism – not only sponsors it, it supplies the terrorists, it directs them, it finances them, it gives them missiles, it gives them everything – and it’s also determined to acquire nuclear weapons. Understand that a nuclear-armed Iran could provide a nuclear umbrella to terrorists, and it could possibly provide nuclear weapons to terrorists. I think for the sake of the peace of the world and the security of my own country and that of the United States, this must not be allowed to happen. It’s important for me to stress to you that the Iranian people are not our enemies. We remember a time when Israel and Iran had an excellent relationship, better than good, and we know that the Iranian people would like nothing better than to rid themselves of this horrible regime.
When I was in Washington a few months ago, President Obama and I had extensive discussions about this threat. The President has repeatedly stated that Iran must not be allowed to acquire nuclear weapons, and that all options must remain on the table in dealing with this threat. And of course this is a position that we support. I also think there’s an increasing international understanding about the true nature of this regime and I think there is a growing resolve to thwart the regime’s effort to attain a military nuclear capability. I think this is not merely an Israeli interest; I think it is now the stated interest not merely of our two countries, but I think this is ought to be the interest and is the interest of anyone interested in preserving the peace of the world. Because a nuclear armed Iran threatens the peace of us all.
The second point I wanted to raise is the quest for achieving peace with the Palestinians, a genuine peace. The simplest thing is to begin peace talks, unconditionally. I have offered that, I offer that again. In fact I say that to you tonight. We seek unconditional peace talks with the Palestinians. We’re prepared to begin those talks immediately, and I’m prepared to work with the Palestinians, and of course with President Obama, towards advancing peace with the Palestinians, and towards advancing the President’s idea of a broader peace in the region.
I think that we have to work on five principles that are not preconditions for beginning peace talks, but I think they are clear foundations for a successful completion of peace talks. The first principle is recognition. We are asked to recognize a nation-state for the Palestinian people. I think that it’s necessary and elementary that the Palestinians be asked to recognize the nation-state of the Jewish people. I think that the absence of the recognition of Israel’s right or of the Jewish people’s right to a state of their own was and remains the source, the root of this conflict. I don’t think we should be myopic about this. I think we have to be very, very clear. The Palestinians so far do not say simply, unequivocally and clearly that they recognize Israel as the Jewish state, a Jewish state not in the religious sense, but a Jewish state as the nation-state of the Jewish people. I think this is not a semantic insistence; it’s a substantive insistence of which there is an immediate derivative, which is the second principle – and that is that the problem of Palestinian refugees will be resolved outside the State of Israel.
You cannot say that you are prepared to make peace with Israel when you don’t recognize Israel as the state of the Jews, and when you insist that this state will be flooded by Palestinian refugees. It just doesn’t make sense.
So the first principle is recognition. The second principle is that the problem of the refugees will be resolved outside the State of Israel. The third point ought to be obvious too, but I make it here too – it all relates to the question of ending the conflict. And that is that a peace treaty actually ends the conflict. It’s not an interim peace treaty from which the conflict is pursued from the Palestinian state that will be established. It’s the end of the conflict. That is, the Palestinians upon the signing of a peace treaty have to say unequivocally that they have no more claims – no more claims either on the question of refugees or on the question of borders or on the question of irredentist claims. So the first three points that I raised relate to legitimacy, to Israel’s permanent legitimacy: recognition of a Jewish state, the resolution of the refugee problem outside the borders of the Jewish state and the end of claims, the finality of conflict.
The other two points that I wanted to make relate to security. It’s clear that the Palestinian state established should be one that doesn’t threaten the State of Israel. The only way that that will be achieved is by effective demilitarization – this is the fourth point. We need effective measures of demilitarization. I’ll tell you what ineffective measures of demilitarization are: Gaza is an example; Lebanon is an example. There is no effective demilitarization in either place, and in fact, the arrangements that have been put in place, either in the Philadelphi Corridor or in South Lebanon have produced a highly ineffective arrangement where these two places are used as a launching ground for thousands of missiles that have been hurled against us – now in South Lebanon, tens of thousands of missiles are in place, and in Gaza many, many missiles that are being piled up and smuggled inside that area to be launched again. We want effective means of demilitarization. I think this is the fourth point – absolutely essential.
And the fifth point is that whatever arrangements are undertaken in a peace arrangement, in a peace treaty, have to be guaranteed by the international community, led by the United States. That is, we want to have clear demilitarization means and a clear commitment by the international community about the validity and the robustness of these security arrangements. And I don’t seek the international community to actually provide the means of demilitarization. I do seek the international community’s support for those arrangements that will be put on the ground, political support that is.
So these are the five points: recognition, the question of refugees, the end of claims, effective demilitarization means and international political guarantees for those arrangements. These are the five points that have a vast consensus in Israel, not broad consensus, not the majority – vast consensus. And the reason they enjoy vast consensus, and I found this out after I spoke in Bar-Ilan – I knew they enjoyed support, but I didn’t understand they enjoyed such broad support – is because they’re fair and because they’re necessary. And because anybody who has a commonsense and decent approach to the question of peace understands that these are the five foundations, the five prerequisite foundations for completing a genuine peace treaty.
I would add one other which is not in the form of a condition that we put for the end of the conflict, for ending the conflict, but one that I think, at least from experience, could help push along a solution and stabilize it – and that is prosperity. Up to now, I spoke about three conditions that relate to legitimacy: recognition, refugees and the end of claims; and two points that relate to security: demilitarization and international guarantees for demilitarization. But there is a third element, and that is what we can do to push forward the spread of prosperity. I’m not merely talking about us. We can do that, and we are doing that in our own economy, but advancing prosperity in the Palestinian economy. We’ve been doing that. We’ve taken steps that have begun to be recognized a bit in the international community, actually far-reaching steps of liberalizing movement and enabling movement in the West Bank; removing barriers and checkpoints. I’ve recently asked our security establishment to open up the Allenby Bridge so that it is opened for additional hours for movement. I personally head a ministerial committee to unblock several economic projects that have been held up that I think could advance the Palestinian economy.
I think we can do an enormous amount to advance tourism and investments, and we’re prepared to do that. This idea of advancing the economic peace is not a substitute for achieving the political peace that I discussed. It’s a way to facilitate it. It helps achieving the peace, and it’s something that we are moving along independently, whether or not the Palestinians collaborate on it is, of course, up to them. But if they do join with us and participate with us, we could move the West Bank economy way up very rapidly, and what this does is help peace. Because obviously if young Palestinians have a job, if investments are made in Ramallah, if restaurants open in Jenin, if businesses flourish in Hebron, this makes peace more possible and more worthwhile for the Palestinians, as opposed to the radical Islamist projection of misery and conflict. And so I think that prosperity is the other element.
So I advocate legitimacy, security and prosperity by advancing recognition of the Jewish state, the settlement of the refugees outside Israel, the end of claims and the end of conflict, effective demilitarization measures and political international guarantees for these matters; but in addition to that, also the advancement of prosperity and economic cooperation between Israel and the Palestinians with the support of the United States and others in the international community. I think there is overwhelming consensus in Israel for this, and I am sure that this is something that could be helped by you, all of you, and everyone else interested in achieving peace.
Q and A
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: This is – believe it or not – the brief statement I had. But I wanted briefly to enable my friend and colleague that I admire, and I know you admire as well, Natan Sharansky, to say a few words. He’s recently taken on the daunting task of heading the Jewish Agency, which may be even a tougher job than the one I have. So Natan, go ahead.
Natan Sharansky: First of all, I’d like to thank you Prime Minister. Dear friends, whenever we speak about the Jewish people of Israel, we are also speaking about strengthening the bond of the Jewish people, and I just before briefed our Prime Minister about the fact that this last week there are increasing numbers of new immigrants coming to Israel. And not only from Ethiopia and Russia, but also from the United States of America and Canada. An airplane came recently from South Africa. Today, an airplane came from France, and in two days, an airplane will come from England. And today, Nefesh BeNefesh and the Jewish Agency are working as one organization. There can be no competition, only cooperation. But Aliyah is not the only purpose. We are thinking how to unite our efforts in strengthening Israel’s spheres. And some of you in the last days have started thinking how projects like Birthright and Masa and others can become buoyant and re-ignited. I’m happy to tell you that the Prime Minister is fully in support of it. He was the first Prime Minister ever who decided to spend money of the Israeli Government and the Israeli people to bring in American youth and youth from the Diaspora to Israel. The Prime Minister is determined to support our plan to give to every Jew in the world a meaningful Israel experience. It strengthens us, it strengthens you. Thank you, and I return the floor to our Prime Minister.
PM: Alan, it’s your call as they say.
Alan Solow: Ok, thank you Prime Minister, and thank you Natan, and congratulations and we’ll all be very supportive of your efforts going forward. It’s so wonderful to have you on the call as well. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for that excellent overview of the positions of the Israeli Government and I think on what we’d all agree are its most important issues regarding foreign affairs that it presently faces. We’re getting in questions. I want to remind everybody that this is an off-the-record call once again, and that if you want to ask a question, you can e-mail it to info@conferenceofpresidents.org or call us at 212-318-6111. Everybody is on mute except for our first two questioners who are on the line with us. The first is somebody who has also had the distinction of having been a prior Chair of both Conferences of Presidents and of the United Jewish Communities, and that is Jim Tisch. Jim.
Jim Tisch: Thank you very much, Alan. And Mr. Prime Minister, thank you very much, not only for your remarks, but more importantly, for your leadership.
PM: Thank you.
Fisch: In your comments, you raised two international issues for Israel which is Iran, and also the Palestinian issue. I was wondering if in your negotiation with America on both those issues, you had felt any sort of pressure, either exclusive inside or in your own head to acquiesce on certain negotiating items with respect to the Palestinians, in order to be able to get the acquiescence from the United States on issues that you consider to be of importance with respect to the Iranians.
PM: No, it’s never been put this way and I don’t think that that is on the table. These are two independent issues that have links but the links are if you will, causal rather than political. Effectively, I think that achieving peace with the Palestinians requires the ability to roll back the forces of Iran but this doesn’t mean that we cannot engage them directly. We might complete the peace negotiations as well but understand that a nuclear-armed Iran would threaten this peace. And if we don’t complete the negotiations then a nuclear-armed Iran would make sure that we never complete it because it would simply use the power that it has with Hamas, with Hizbullah which it’s doing now, to spoil everything. Understand, Iran is using every effort that it has to spoil peace negotiations now. That’s when it doesn’t have nuclear weapons. Understand what happens if it does have nuclear weapons. Its power will be immeasurably increased, not merely its intimidation power, the power to threaten Israel’s security in the most basic sense, but certainly, the power to use its proxies to make sure that peace doesn’t happen. So, rolling back Iran’s nuclear ability is obviously important in and of itself, but it’s also important for peace. And, equally, I think that achieving advances, and one would hope, a completed peace with the Palestinians, is important because it obviously would mean that we have been able to make a pact between the moderates, those who live together in peace rather than the radicals supported by Iran who do not.
Solow: Thank you. Cathy Manning is also on with us. So, I introduced her earlier in the call and as I sort through the questions, I just need a few more minutes to get ready, so I’m going to ask Cathy to buy me some time here and ask the next question of the Prime Minister, please.
Cathy Manning: I’ll be happy to. Mr. Prime Minister, thank you so much for setting out your thoughts and principles so clearly and succinctly. I want to ask you about the fourth principle. You mentioned that the Palestinian state must be effectively demilitarized so that we will not have a situation like we have in Gaza or in Lebanon. How would you create an effective demilitarization?
PM: I think that the first thing means that the Palestinians don’t have an army. I mean, they obviously need and should have a security force to maintain the peace, and also to maintain internal peace and to stop terrorists, but you don’t need tanks and artillery or rockets for that. You need basically a lightly armed force and that’s sufficient. The fact that they’re developing that in a program led by General Dayton and one which we fully support, but they certainly don’t need rockets, and they certainly don’t need heavy weapons. So, they don’t need a standing army, that’s the first thing. The second thing is that, of course, we have control of the airspace, that is, if they control the airspace above Tel Aviv – that is very, very problematic, from the point of view of Israel’s security. Third, of course, there’s shouldn’t be an ability to import weapons or rockets or missiles. And fourth, they should not make military pacts with the likes of Iran or anyone else. In short, there are several, simple principles that have to be guaranteed. They don’t impede Palestinian governance. I don’t understand why Palestinians’ self-determination should require that they have missiles and rockets. It doesn’t. They should be able to govern themselves, they should have all the powers to do so absent a handful of powers that could threaten the security of the State of Israel, and if one approaches this sensibly, it shouldn’t be difficult to construct an effective demilitarization. And one would hope that this would be achieved, because obviously if we have an armed Palestinian state, a replication of Hamas, of Hamastan, we won’t have peace.
Solow: Mr. Prime Minister, do you have time for a few more questions?
PM: Sure
Solow: Ok, I’ll just try to sort these through. I’m not going to identify who the questioners are because what I’m trying to do is choose some of the questions that have been asked by more than one person, so that we can get as many people satisfied as we can, and the first area that I’d like to ask you about is Iran. And my question to you on Iran would be: “Are there any particular official sanctions which you think the international community should be imposing at this point in time. What particulars would you be focusing on?
PM: Well, for one thing, it would be useful to stop the trade with Iran that’s continuing and in some places going through the roof, in countries that say that they’re committed to stopping the economic ties with Iran. And the first thing, I would say, should be self-enforcement of the same, of the principles that many of these governments have professed themselves. Now, Secretary of State Hilary Clinton talked about “crippling sanctions”. Iran is certainly susceptible to “crippling sanctions” and I think that given Iran’s behavior, given that not only the unmasking of this regime’s true character, but also the fact that they’re blatantly contravening all international norms, such sanctions are due.
Solow: Very good, thank you.
PM: And I think, just to make a point because you asked me about sanctions – I wasn’t and I’m not going to be particularly specific, except to say that Iran’s revenues are primarily linked to the flow of oil, to the oil industry. And I think that it’s possible to construct measures that impede those economic assets. Now, mind you in Israel, I passed a bill, as head of the opposition, that would consider it a criminal offence to deal with, to invest Israeli funds in anything that would help Iran’s nuclear industry or its energy industry. So I definitely practice what I preach.
Solow: Very good, Sir. Thank you. Defense Secretary to the United States Gates is in Israel, or on his way this week. Can you give us an assessment of the status of US – Israel cooperation in the areas of security and defense?
PM: Well, first of all, he’s a very welcome visitor, and I think that our relationship is important. I appreciate President Obama’s statement about the unbreakable ties between Israel and America, but also the commitment to Israel’s security. I also value the fact that during my visit to Washington, there was a re-affirmation of certain long-standing understandings in important areas between our two countries that relate to our national security. But I don’t think that there’s any point right now in going beyond that.
Solow: Thank you. Next will be Syria. You talked about the Palestinians in your opening remarks but there are some questions that are coming in about where we are right now, if any place, on the Syria track.
PM: I’m willing to apply the same principle of immediate negotiations without pre-conditions to Syria as well. We seek peace with all our neighbors. We’re ready for a resumption of talks with Syria with no pre-conditions, not Israeli nor Syrian pre-conditions. Frankly, we have serious doubts as to whether Syria’s really committed making peace with Israel because it has forged a close alliance with Iran, it continues to arm Hizbullah and to undermine Lebanon’s independence. And Damascus, the capital of Syria, continues to serve as a center for Palestinian terror groups. So, I think that if Syria wanted to signal its approach to peace, it could take a serious approach to peace. It could obviously take tangible steps to show a different direction. But, as I said, these are not pre-conditions. We don’t place any pre-conditions there for talks with Syria or for any Arab country.
Solow: Now, Mr. Prime Minister, you know that there have been stories both in the Israeli and the American press over the last several days regarding building in East Jerusalem. You made a very clear statement at the Cabinet meeting on Sunday and there are several of our askers who wanted to know if you wanted to elaborate on that please.
PM: Our position is very clear. Jerusalem has been the capital of the Jewish people for some three thousand years and it will remain the capital of Israel and the undivided capital of Israel. I stress to you, that only under Israel, only under Israeli sovereignty, has there been religious freedom guaranteed for all faiths. So that was, is and will remain our position. About building in Jerusalem, that is something that we do, but the question here has not been on any national program or any governmental program, it’s been on the simple question of whether Jews can purchase homes in any part of Jerusalem, and conversely I would say, whether Arabs from East Jerusalem can purchase homes in any part of Jerusalem. And the answer to both of them is yes. There are, I think about 250 apartments that are either rented or purchased, at least 250 apartments, in French Hill which is very close to, something that’s been in the news, French Hill and other Jewish neighborhoods now. Mind you, I don’t think that we should bar Arabs from living anywhere in Jerusalem including in the Jewish neighborhoods, and I don’t think we should bar Jews from living anywhere, including what are predominantly Arab neighborhoods. I just have a different perception of peace.
Solow: Let’s just try maybe two more questions and then we’ll let you go to bed. And again we thank you. There have been suggestions in the press and among various other political leaders that one possibility would be to move to Phase II of the Road Map immediately, and some of our questioners want to know what your reaction to that would be.
PM: Well, I think that the important things are the principles, the five principles that I laid down, and they’d be applicable under any arrangement. I mean, the important thing is not so much the phases but the genuine foundations of peace and any foundation. I think that the principles I’ve outlined, which as I said, enjoy vast agreement in Israel, are applicable in either scenario.
Solow: The last question for you is “Is there anything in particular that you would ask of American Jewish leadership, where you think that we could be of assistance in supporting what you described as your economic peace? Are there particular steps that can be taken to support any of the initiatives that we can be helpful with?
PM: Look, I think that the peace requires security. It requires actually the points that I mentioned. It requires recognition of Israel’s permanent legitimacy, it requires a solid foundation of security, and it requires, I think, it would be greatly facilitated by expansion of prosperity. This last point that you ask, first of all I think that American Jews’ support in all of these areas is very valuable. But I could also see the way that I envision the rapid expansion of the Palestinian economy happening with Jewish and Arab investors who are investing in peace. And, you know, a lot of people don’t see how quickly things could be turned around, when you have a government, or in this case, governments because the Palestinians should be our partners in this, who allow initiative and entrepreneurship to proceed. I mean, I think that the possibility, that the IMF or the World Bank, I forget which, projects a 7% growth rate for the West Bank next year. I think we can exceed it. And I think that this is certainly true of my policies, if it’s embraced by the Palestinians, then I think all of this, we can defy expectations. And I think that, if we have others join in, say investors from the Gulf state, and if we expand the circle of peace, we can make President Obama’s regional peace a reality. I just think the possibilities are much bigger than people believe, and I very much welcome Jewish investors, alongside Arab investors, alongside many others around the world, to make this peace a reality. But as I said, I think that if you ask me ‘What is the first foundation of peace?’, it’s the recognition of the Jewish state, that is of Israel as the state of the Jewish people. And I want to make it clear that when I speak about the collective right of self-determination for Israel, this is democratically exercised every day and it manifests itself in the choice of our national symbols, from the Star of David on our flag to the Menorah, the lamp on our seal, to the words of our national anthem. And this also manifests itself in a cycle of national life that revolves around a Jewish calendar and perhaps, most importantly, in the law that gives Jews anywhere in the world, the right to come to Israel and automatically claim citizenship. But let me tell you what it doesn’t signify, the fact of Israel as the nation-state does not in any way, in any way, prejudice the rights of non-Jews in the Jewish state. And it’s important for me to clarify that our right to self-determination does not prejudice the individual rights of non-Jews in Israel. Because, just as Jews who live in democratic countries throughout the world are entitled to equal citizenship, non-Jews who live in the democratic State of Israel are entitled to equal citizenship and they enjoy it. So, no one, if you’re a Jew in Israel, or a Christian, or a Moslem, or a Druze, and you’re a citizen of the State of Israel, you enjoy full, individual rights guaranteed under the law. So when we talk about a Jewish state, we’re talking about Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people, with full civic rights for all its citizens – Jews and non-Jews alike.
Solow: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for spending some of your precious time with us, especially given the late hour, and again, as always for your very clear articulation of the principles and policies pursuant to which you intend to operate. This is very helpful for us, the American Jewish leadership, and we are grateful for the offer you made at the beginning of your talk, to make this part of an ongoing dialogue with us. I know that you make yourself regularly available to us and it does make an enormous difference, and your accessibility is a wonderful thing for the enhancement of the relationship between Israel and the Diaspora, and we thank you for that. And we thank Natan Sharansky, we thank Ambassadors Oren and Sharif who were on, and as well, I want to thank all of the participants. For those of you who did not have your questions answered, we regret that, but we think we got more questions in this way than we did before, and I want to give a special thanks to United Jewish Communities and Cathy Manning, who was on this call with us for co-sponsoring this call with us, and for gathering their troops to be on this call. There are a large number of people on this call. Again, it was an off-the-record call, and if will people will respect that rule, it will certainly permit the Prime Minister to do this again with us, and to allow him to share with us in a candid fashion, exactly what the situation is in Israel today, from his perspective. So, once again, thank you all. We’ll look forward to doing this again soon. Lehitraot, Mr. Prime Minister. And I thank you all, Operator.
PM: Thank you all. Thank you very much. Thank you, Alan. Good night.