July 1946
British Colonial Office, “The System of Education of the Jewish Community in Palestine: Report of the Commission of Enquiry Appointed by the Secretary of State for the Colonies in 1945.” London: His Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1946.
Colonial No. 201
GENERAL OBSERVATIONS UPON THE JEWISH PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM
The origin of the Jewish Public System and its position under the Mandate.
11. In 1920, when the British Civil Administration replaced the military regime, the number of the Jewish population was about 83,000, and there were already in existence a considerable number of Jewish schools, dating from a period b3fore the first World War. These schools fell broadly into three groups: (I) Zionist schools, (2) purely religious schools, (3) schools founded a maintained by philanthropic Jewish organizations in European countries. The schools of the first and largest group reflected the ideals of the Jewish national movement and used Hebrew exclusively as the language of instruction. Those of the second group B the Talmud Torah schools and Talmudic Colleges B carried on the educational tradition o the centers of Jewish life in Eastern Europe, including the use of Yiddish as medium. Universelle, teaching mainly in French, and one (the Evelina de Rothschild School) of the Anglo-Jewish Association, teaching in English and Hebrew. From 1918 onwards the Zionist Executive, through its Department of Education, had had begun to consolidate the schools of the first group, which had been largely founded by the private initiative of settlers or teachers, into a public school system.
12. In 1922 the Palestine Mandate was approved by the Council of League of Nations. We must quote the following clauses: –
Article 2.
The Mandatory shall be responsible for placing the country under such political, administrative and economic conditions as will secure the establishment of the Jewish national home, as laid down in the preamble, and the development of self-governing institutions, an also for safeguarding the civil and religious rights of all the inhabitants of Palestine, irrespective of race and religion.
Article 4.
An appropriate Jewish agency shall be recognized as a public body for the purpose of advising and cooperating with the Administration of establishment of the Jewish national home and the interests of the Jewish population in Palestine, an, subject always to the control of the Administration, to assist and take part in the development of the country.
The Zionist organization, so long as its organization and constitution are in the opinion of the Mandatory appropriate, shall be recognized as such agency. It shall take steps in consultation with His Britannic Majesty’s Government to secure the cooperation of all Jews who are willing to assist in the establishment of the Jewish national home.
Article 15.
The Mandatory shall see that complete freedom of conscience and the free exercise of all forms of worship, subject only to the maintenance of public order and morals, are ensured to all. No discrimination of any kind shall be made between the inhabitants of Palestine on the ground of race, religion or language. No person shall be excluded from Palestine on the sloe ground of his religious belief.
The right of each community to maintain its own schools for the education of its own members in its own language, while conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the Administration may impose, shall not be denied or impaired.
13. In accordance with Article 15 the Jewish Community has claimed and in fact exercises the right to maintain its own schools. No other community in Palestine has claimed this right, though there are a number of private schools which are maintained by the different communities or by private societies or individuals. We do not understand Article 15 to mean that if a community claims the right to maintain its own schools it must do so solely at its own expense, and the Article has not been understood in this sense by the Mandatory Government or by the Jewish Community, as will appear from figures that we shall give later. It is one of the duties of a modern Government to ensure that the children of the population for which it is responsible are properly educated, whether the provision is made by a Government or by religious or racial communities or by parents, and the existence of a community system cannot entirely divest Government of this duty. Moreover, the duty is owned not only to the parents but to the children themselves. Accordingly we shall find that the Palestine Government (To which we shall refer as ‘Government”), so far from disinteresting itself in Jewish education, has concerned itself with the administration of the Jewish schools and has made grants for their support. Whether or not the grant should be increased is a matter that we shall discuss later (Chapter VI). It should be noted that Article 15 of the Mandate does not confer complete educational autonomy upon any community. The words Awhile conforming to such educational requirements of a general nature as the Administration may impose” made it clear that the Government Department of Education has a right to offer advice and, in the last resort, to impose requirements concerning educational matters of a general nature.
14. The Jewish Community, in the sense that we are using it, is a technical term, and denotes the body which applied for the received recognition from the Palestine Government as a “religious community” under the Religious Communities (Organization) Ordinance of 1926. This recognized Community comprises only those Jews who register themselves as members of the Community. The substantial effect of the first paragraph of our terms of reference is that our enquiry is confined to the schools belonging to or controlled by this recognized Community, although we have made it our business to visit other Jewish schools such as those maintained by the ultra-orthodox sect known as the Central Agudath Israel, which is outside the Community, and some privately-owned schools. The Jewish Community is the only one which is recognized under the Ordinance referred to above. There is no registered Arab Community, Moslem or Christian, and the Arab children attend Government schools, which are in effect Arab schools directly administered by Government.
The character and aims of Jewish education.
15. Before attempting to understand the system of public education which has been established by the Jewish Community, it is necessary to realize at the outset that education means to the Zionist Jew something more than it does in England or in most other countries. It does not mean merely the process of forming the character, training the mind, and developing the aptitudes of a child so as to make him a complete personality and a useful member of society. It claims to affect nearly every aspect of the child’s life and is more teleological than English education is or tries to be. It has also an emotional content and is regarded as one of the chief instruments in the building of the Jewish National Home in Palestine. Most Zionist parents- at any rate in their present frame of mind B would not be satisfied with what we in England regard as education, however efficient it might become, and would demand that it should do something more than is expected of it in England. In most schools one of the principal aims is to inculcate in the children a deep love of the land and, in particular, an attachment to Palestine as the land of the National Home.
16. The strain of national idealism which pervades Jewish education is often puzzling to those who are trained in one of the British educational systems, and, in our judgment, forms an additional reason why the responsibility for the management of the Jewish schools should be in the hands of the Jewish Community if that can be achieved consistently with efficiency and economy.
The Jewish Public System hitherto a pioneering enterprise.
17. Another difference between English public education and Jewish education in Palestine is that the latter. Not having a tradition of a century behind it, is in a much more fluid and experimental stage. It is dominated by the pioneering atmosphere associated with a new enterprise, the building of a National Home. The Jewish population has grown rapidly, as the following figures show: –
1881 about 25,000
1914 about 80,000
1922 about 84,000
1926 about 150,000
1931 about 175,000
1936 about 384,000
1940 about 464,000
1945 about 529,000
This rapidly increasing population has come from many and diverse sources, both European and Oriental, with the result that Palestine presents many of the features of the American melting-pot in the nineteenth century. (In the United States the English language ahs been the main instrument of fusion; in Palestine Hebrew is the corresponding medium.) One inevitable result of these two factors, the rate of increase and the diversity of the elements undergoing assimilation, is an atmosphere of constant experiment and improvisation. Educationally, the central control rests with the Jewish Community and not with Government, and the provision of educational facilities has come mainly from below, that is from the people, by the exercise of private initiative, for which a large share of credit must be awarded to the teachers themselves. Children were growing up and provision for their education had to be made in one way or another; schools had to be built and teachers to be found. Hence we find a variegated pattern and a spirit of strong independence, and the central authority B now the Va’ad Leumi B has nothing like the degree of control that the Ministry of Education exercises in England. Whatever may be the present defects of the system, to have been able in so short a period of time to provide education, though mainly Elementary, for nearly 100 per cent of the children of a population now numbering over 500,000 is a remarkable achievement. It would be unfair to judge the result from the standpoint of the more rigid and exacting administrative standards of England without realizing the history that lies behind it, but in our opinion the time is now ripe for stricter and more systematic administration.
The separatist effect of education in Palestine.
18 The disturbing aspect of education in Palestine which must strike everyone who examines it is its separatist effect. In most countries education is a unifying force. Experience has shown that an educational system can be used to create a national culture and a common purpose while preserving local or racial characteristics and sometimes even dialects or languages. In Palestine, education works the other way. The two main systems B the Jewish, and the Arab or Government system B have no contact with one another. Theoretically, Jewish children may attend the Government Arab schools, and a few instances occur. There are also a few instances of the reverse. But for all practical purposes the two systems are in watertight compartments. At the top there is the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, which opens its doors to students of all nationalities and races, but, in fact, at present comprises only three Arab students in a total of 744. Arab students go to the University of Beirut, the University of Cairo, or to British, Continental, or American Universities. Moreover, as we shall show later, the fact that one of the main purposes of Jewish education is to stress the importance of the Jewish National Home tends to increase its separatist effect. In the words of the Report of the Royal Commission of 1937 (page 344) Athe educational outlook, determined as it is by the provisions of Article 15, is disquieting. The existing Arab and Jewish school systems are definitely widening and will continue to widen the gulf between the races.”
19. Accordingly, as soon as we realized the regrettable implications of the present dualism of education in Palestine, we considered whether the process of disunion could be checked or diminished at any stage in the educational structure, and this consideration brought us naturally to the question whether the English language as a common medium of instruction could be a unifying factor. At present Arabic is the medium of instruction in the Government Arab Elementary schools, and Hebrew the medium in the Jewish public schools. Arabic is taught in the higher forms of many Jewish Secondary schools. Hebrew is not taught in the Arab Government schools. We have come to the conclusion that, even if there were no political objections, it would not be practicable to substitute English as the medium of instruction for Hebrew either in the Elementary or the Secondary schools of the Jewish Public System. Hebrew is or is becoming, the home language of the majority of Jewish children, and to make English the medium of instruction in the Elementary or the Secondary schools would, in our opinion, be educationally unsound as it would impose upon most children an impossible strain. But we attach great importance to the teaching of English in the schools of the Jewish System in order to give the children at least one world language, and we were glad to find that it is taught in both the Elementary and the Secondary schools. Moreover the time may come when it will be possible to unite Jewish and Arab students, on a basis of English as a medium of instruction, on a level higher than the Secondary school, particularly in the professional subjects such as Medicine, Technology, Engineering and Architecture, and in the subjects which lead up to them. In this respect the use of English as a common medium of instruction in the Government Law School in Jerusalem is illuminating. From the political point of view it would be of the utmost value to unify the higher education of the young men and women of both communities, for it is they who should exercise most influence in the country. From the educational point of view we can see nothing impossible or unsound in adopting English as the common medium of instruction for this purpose, for the linguistic capacity of the children of both communities is such that by the time they leave the Secondary school those of them who are suitable for higher education would have no difficulty in receiving it through the medium of English and thus they would have the opportunity of preparing themselves for their careers in life in a language which would be useful to them throughout a very large part of the world.
Partisan influences in Jewish education itself.
20. The racial duality in education finds a disquieting parallel within the Jewish System itself. As a result of the diversity of the Jewish population and of the independent educational activity to which we have referred, the Jewish political parties have played a very prominent part in the provision of schools and teachers. The three main Zionist parties (or, as they are usually termed in this connection, “Trends”), whose different outlooks are reflected in schools and educational policy, are the following: –
A. The General Zionists, a central or residuary party, whose schools are called “General schools” The following is an extract from a Memorandum submitted to us by the Va’ad Leumi: –
AIn the schools belonging to the General Trend, the general educational fundamentals common to all sections of the Yishuv are emphasized. Hebrew culture and the appreciation of national values occupy a central position in the curriculum. Owing to its positive attitude towards the principles of Jewish religion, the General Trend School strives that the spirit of the Jewish religious tradition should rest on its educational work, but the observance of practical religious commandments is left to the parents and environment. In some General schools, however, public prayer is a regular feature. Its slogan is to give to its pupils a National-Zionist education combined with the progressive ideals of Humanity. Its aim is that the future generation should be faithful and sincere to their nation and country. With regard to educational ad pedagogical methods the General school chooses the path of development and progress. The General school endeavors to implant in the hearts of its pupils a love for work and a love for the soil and agriculture; it devotes and appreciable part of its syllabus to a knowledge of Palestine and the study of the revival and up-building of the country.
B. The Mizrahi, representing an orthodox section of Jews, who insist on a large part of education being related to the sacred books and to training in religious observance, and whose schools are called the “Mizrahi schools.” The word AMizrahi” is an abbreviation of Merkaz Ruhani (Spiritual Center), and the Mizrahi party, as defined by the Hon. Edwin Samuel in his AHandbook of the Jewish Communal Villages,” is a political party with a specifically religious platform within the Zionists Organization. It resembles, therefore not an English Non-conformist church, but one of the religious political parties found in certain European Continental countries. The following is an extract from the Memorandum submitted to us by the Va’ad Leumi to which we have already referred: –
“The religious schools, which are supervised by the Mizrahi (Orthodox-Zionist) movement, also provide their pupils with a general education. However, they differ from the General schools in that they lay especial stress on religion. The children are taught to carry out the precepts of the Jewish religion, and a religious spirit is inculcated in them. Since religious subjects figure prominently in the curriculum of the Mizrahi schools’ extra hours are added to the timetable, so that they can be taught in addition to the ordinary program of the General schools. Teachers in the Mizrahi schools, whether for religious or secular studies, are required to be observant Jews.”
There is another section called the Central Agudath Israel, who are ultra-orthodox and who have declined to join the registered Jewish Community or to bring their schools within the Va’ad Leumi System.
C. The General Federation of Jewish Labor (Histadruth), whose schools are called “Labor schools.” This party is socialist and collectivist. The following is an extract from the Memorandum submitted to us by the Va’ad Leumi: –
AThe Labor schools are based upon a synthesis of general national ideology and the principles of the Jewish Labor movement in Palestine. Like the other schools, they provide their pupils with a general primary education. Their curriculum, too, devotes considerable attention to Bible studies. At the same time the Labor schools inculcate in their pupils a love of manual work, an many of them provide special training in handicrafts, an in agriculture in particular. The schools in the workers’ agricultural settlements form an integral part of them, and the children are educated with a view to continuing the task begun by their parents. The curriculum in these schools includes a knowledge of the Labor movement in Palestine and other countries. Stress is laid on the value of labor to society, and general subjects, too, are colored with the ideals of the Labor movement.”
21. These three Trends have each their own schools, possessing distinctive characteristics which are more marked in the case of some schools in each group than in other. The schools are all within the Va’ad Leumi System, but each group is staffed by teachers who are acceptable of the Trend concerned and inspected by Va’ad Leumi Inspectors belonging to that Trend. It is significant that the Inspectors have a very large say in the appointment and promotion of teachers. They are administrators rather than Inspectors, and we describe their functions later (Chapter IV).
22. This division into “Trends” persists throughout Jewish public education, except in 1 per cent of the Elementary schools. So far as we have been able to ascertain, the division of the public schools among the Trends works out somewhat as follows, the percentages being expressed in terms of numbers of pupils: –
Percent Percent
Kindergartens B
General Zionist — — — — 45
Mizrahi — — — — 18
Labor — — — — 37 100
Elementary Schools
General Zionist — — — — 49
Mizrahi — — — — 27
Labor — — — — 23
“Trend-less” — — — — 1 100
Secondary Schools
General Zionist — — — — 87
Mizrahi — — — — 10
Labor — — — — 3 100
23. Nor does the separatism stop here. Within the Labor schools there are already signs of further fissure, particularly amongst the schools in the Communal Settlements. Several political parties or “sub-Trends” have developed within the Labor movement, and reflect different shades of opinion from left to right; occasions have arisen on which the members of these “sub-Trends” have insisted that their children shall be educated in schools established by their Asub-Trend_, and staffed by teachers acceptable to it. Again, within the Mizrahi party a Labor sub-Trend is developing, which may eventually result in a Mizrahi-Labor type of school. The separatism described in this paragraph is deplored by a section of responsible Jewish public opinion, which adopts the view that anything savoring of a political atmosphere ought to be excluded from the schools. The tendency to fragmentation may be merely incidental to the teething troubles of a young educational system, but in our opinion the tendency is dangerous and every effort should be made to check it.
Expansion of and demand for education among the Arabs.
196. Unlike those in the Jewish System, the Arab schools are directly administered by the Government; there are also a number of missionary and other private schools attended by Arab children. Before the British occupation of Palestine the language of instruction in the Arab public schools was Turkish. In 1919 the British Administration began to establish a network of schools with Arabic as the language of instruction, the following figures show the growth of the System since that date.
| School Year | No. of Schools | No. of Teachers | Number of Pupils Boys Girls Total | Average No. Of pupils Per Teacher | ||
| 1919-20 | 171 | 408 | 8,419 | 2,243 | 10,622 | 26.13 |
| 1924-25 | 315 | 687 | 16,147 | 3,734 | 19,881 | 28.91 |
| 1929-30 | 310 | 760 | 18,174 | 4,728 | 22,956 | 30.20 |
| 1934-35 | 350 | 1,055 | 27,737 | 8,268 | 36.005 | 34.12 |
| 1939-40 | 402 | 1,240 | 42,219 | 12,148 | 54,367 | 40.57 |
| 1940-41 | 403 | 1,264 | 42,661 | 11,984 | 54,645 | 40.00 |
| 1941-42 | 404 | 1,456 | 44.244 | 12,314 | 56,558 | 38.84 |
| 1942-43 | 403 | 1,452 | 45,603 | 12,722 | 58,325 | 40.17 |
| 1943-44 | 458 | 1,729 | 50,450 | 13,240 | 64,790 | 37.51 |
| 1944-45 | 478 | 1,872 | 56,359 | 15,303 | 71,662 | 38.28 |
| 1945-46 | 493 | 2,159 | — | — | 80,500 (est.) | 37.29 |
197. But though much has been accomplished a great deal more remains to be done in the field of Elementary education on the Arab side. Even now, only about on-third of the Arab children between the ages of five and fifteen receive any education, and only about ten per cent of those who do go to school appear to remain for more than five years. The main reason lies not in any unwillingness on the part of Arab parents to send their children to school, but in the constant inadequacy of the Government’s educational budget. We have been greatly impressed by the widespread and insistent demand of the Arabs for education and by the inability of the Government for financial reasons to meet it, in spite of rigidly economical standards of buildings, equipment and staffing. For instance, the number of applications by Arab parents for places for their children in Government schools which it has been necessary to reject in recent years, is as follows: –
| School Year | Applications for admission | Rejections | Percentage |
| 1942-43 | 21,890 | 8,117 | 37 |
| 1943-44 | 24,255 | 9,079 | 37 |
| 1944-45 | 25,785 | 9,501 | 37 |
| 1945-46 | 28,887 | 10,079 | 35 |
But these figures, helpful as they are, do to tell the whole story, and are no real index of the gulf between demand and supply, for in a village where there is no school many parents do not make application, and even in a village where a school exists many parents are deterred from making application by the knowledge that so few vacancies are available.
198. While the Government Department of Education has pursued as active a policy as the funds at its disposal have permitted, there has also been much initiative amongst the Arabs themselves. There have been continual demands from the Arab villages for provision of schools, and the common practice is for a village to build a school, with or without a small grant from the Government, and then make a demand for Government to supply a teacher. In addition the Arabs contribute both in cash and in equipment; for example, during the period 125 April, 1941, to 31st August, 1945, the Arabs (mainly in the villages) contributed Lp.325,000 in cash.
199. Arab public education has been hampered not only by lack of funds, but also by lack of trained teachers, which again is mainly due to lack of funds, because, if more money were available, the annual output of Arab teachers from the training institutions (now twenty-five to thirty College-trained and certificated men, and fort-five to fifty women, including women from Mission Schools) could be increased. It is true that each year forty to fifty men who are already teaching also obtain certificates, but these had not been trained before entering the profession.