The recent Israeli election campaign was heated and nasty; primarily a referendum on whether Netanyahu should continue to serve as Prime Minister. His personality and legal problems were the focus of opposition attacks, not his policies. In fact, beyond the harsh rhetoric one can discern a broad consensus in Israel behind the outgoing government’s actual diplomatic and defense policies.
Israel Democracy Institute experts provide research, background and insight into the controversial override clause issued by the Ministerial Committee for Legislation. Many argue this bill will attenuate the power of Israel’s Supreme Court, placing fewer restrictions on the Knesset.
The 2019 election results mark the return of Israeli politics to two large lists. Voter turnout declined, as the parliamentary fragmentation. The impressing increase in female representation was halted, and the number of ex-generals will be the highest in decades. An initial analysis of the election results.
After an exhausting and polarizing election campaign, the people have spoken, and we’re now entering the next stage of the political lifecycle: forming a new government – Dr. Kenig explains what’s next.
If in the past, we tended to speak about tensions in Israeli society in terms of Arabs and Jews, religious and secular, or Right and Left, the findings of the Israel Democracy Institute’s 2018 Israeli Democracy Index, released last week reveal a major new split: the split over Israeli democracy. In today’s Israel, the fundamental question that defines the state—what is democracy?—is becoming an increasingly significant bone of contention.
The discussion surrounding the Nation-State Law has sparked a heated debate in Israeli society. One side claims that the law is a proper and necessary legislative anchor for the national character of the State of Israel as the state of the Jewish people, against those who seek to deny the Jewish people’s right to a national home in its homeland. The other side argues that this is discriminatory legislation, which undermines the democratic nature of the State of Israel.
According to a National Economic Council report, Israel’s population will increase by 5 million people over the next 23 years.
After ten years in power, Abbas presides over a Palestinian polity that is more divided and dysfunctional than ever.
Candidates that speak forcefully about a strong US-Israeli relationship and a need to provide Israel with a qualitative military advantage over any array of adversaries, secure the attention of American Jewish voters who put Israel at the top of their list in determining who should receive their vote in congressional and presidential election contests.
This month’s Peace Index survey focuses on three issues: the process of forming a government, the challenges facing it in the political-security sphere, and the protest by the Ethiopian community.
This analysis provides key details of what has been agreed, the main agenda items of the coalition partners, and an assessment of how the coalition is likely to fare in domestic and foreign policy.
Michael Margolit, Meet Israel’s New Lawmakers,” Ynet News, March 20, 2015.
Kenneth W. Stein, “The Arab-Israeli Peace Process,” Middle East Contemporary Survey, Vol. XXII, 1998, Bruce Maddy-Weitzman (ed.), Westview Press, pp. 56-89. For almost all of 1998, the Arab-Israeli peace process was analogous to a driver…
Kenneth W. Stein, “The Arab-Israeli Peace Process,” Middle East Contemporary Survey, Vol. XX, 1996, Bruce Maddy-Weitzman (ed.), Westview Press, pp. 34-65. Of all the events in 1996, the 29 May Israeli general elections had the…
Conclusions suggest that Israel has no direct responsibility for the massacre of
Palestinians in refugee camps in Beirut; Defense Minister Sharon resigns for ignoring the danger of potential
bloodshed.
In taking personal responsibility for her government’s mistakes of judgment that allowed Syrian and Egyptian armies to cause massive Israeli deaths, destruction, injuries and prisoners taken hostage in the October 1973 war, Prime Minister Golda…
In the months before the UN vote to partition Palestine into Arab and Jewish states in November 1947, the Jewish Agency leadership there had to overcome a series of foreign policy obstacles working against the Jewish state’s establishment.
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