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<span class="cie-plus-title">Reiter and Seligman, Jews and Muslims in Jerusalem, Har ha-Bayit and Al-Haram al-Sharif, 1917-Present</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

Reiter and Seligman, Jews and Muslims in Jerusalem, Har ha-Bayit and Al-Haram al-Sharif, 1917-PresentCIE+

Since the 1920s the Sacred Esplanade of Jerusalem came to symbolise the bone of contention in the conflict over Palestine. The maintenance and even definition of the lines of division between the communities was a clear aim of the British authorities from 1920-1948. The communal/religious conflicts intensified after 1967 with the Israeli capture of East Jerusalem and other Arab-populated territory, which left neither side fully content.

Issues and Analyses|January 2009
<span class="cie-plus-title">The Western Wall and the Jews: More than a Thousand Years of Prayer</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

The Western Wall and the Jews: More than a Thousand Years of PrayerCIE+

Against the background of the Jordanian condemnation of Israel for work carried out by Israel on the southern extension of the Western Wall and the Muslim denial of the Jewish connection to the Western Wall, Nadav Shragai, a researcher at the Jerusalem Center, published this collection of forgotten and lesser-known facts about the Western Wall, which Muslims are trying to deny.

Issues and Analyses|July 31, 2020
<span class="cie-plus-title">Continuity vs. Overreach in the Trump Peace Plan (Part 1): Borders and Jerusalem</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

Continuity vs. Overreach in the Trump Peace Plan (Part 1): Borders and JerusalemCIE+

The newly released U.S. peace plan marks a very significant shift in favor of the current Israeli government’s view, especially when compared to three past U.S. initiatives: (1) the Clinton Parameters of December 2000, (2) Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s “Annapolis Process” of 2007-2008, and (3) Secretary of State John Kerry’s 2013-2014 initiative. The message is clear: the Trump administration will no longer keep sweetening the deal with every Palestinian refusal, a criticism some have aimed at previous U.S. efforts. Yet the new plan raises worrisome questions of its own.

Issues and Analyses|February 5, 2020
<span class="cie-plus-title">East Jerusalem and the Palestinian Legislative Council Elections</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

East Jerusalem and the Palestinian Legislative Council ElectionsCIE+

The participation of East Jerusalem residents in the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC) elections has become a matter of contention between Hamas and Fatah. While the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority has conditioned this participation on Israeli consent, Hamas has insisted that there is no such requirement and that the two sides should wage a joint struggle to force Israel to let this population participate. Neither party is enthused by the idea of elections and both would prefer that they be deferred, but each has painted itself into a corner and is trying to foist responsibility for a postponement on the other.

Issues and Analyses|January 17, 2020
<span class="cie-plus-title">Are They Legal or Not? Pompeo’s Announcement on the Israeli Settlements</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

Are They Legal or Not? Pompeo’s Announcement on the Israeli SettlementsCIE+

The announcement by US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo that “the establishment of Israeli civilian settlements in the West Bank is not, per se, inconsistent with international law” is in line with Israel’s official position, and its inherent message – that preoccupation with the question of the legality of the settlements narrows Palestinian flexibility and discourages the achievement of a negotiated resolution to the conflict – is correct. However, the announcement’s practical value is minor, and there are even potential risks and costs for Israel.

Issues and Analyses|November 24, 2019
<span class="cie-plus-title">On Demography and Economic Development in Jerusalem</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

On Demography and Economic Development in JerusalemCIE+

Jerusalem is the largest and most complex city in Israel. According to data from the Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics (ICBS) at the end of 2017 Jerusalem residents comprised roughly 10% of the total population of the State of Israel (901,302 persons). 62.1% of the city’s population are classified as “Jews and others” (559,849 persons), and 37.9% of its residents are classified as Arab (341,453 persons). At the same time, according to ICBS figures, approximately 72,600 residents left Jerusalem between the years 2007-2017. In 2017 for example, Jerusalem’s population was reduced by 6,000 people as a result of negative internal migration (of which, 5,800 were “Jews and others” and 200 were Arabs).

Issues and Analyses|August 21, 2019
<span class="cie-plus-title">How Fault Lines in the PA and the Arab World Affect Jerusalem</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

How Fault Lines in the PA and the Arab World Affect JerusalemCIE+

In a general sense, east Jerusalem is disengaging from Ramallah and the West Bank and connecting with Israel. However, tensions over the Temple Mount are hard to control and may change this situation completely. The process of connecting to Israel shapes the city, but undermining the order on the Temple Mount may affect the whole of Jerusalem.

Issues and Analyses|July 8, 2019
<span class="cie-plus-title">A Zionist State in 1939</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

A Zionist State in 1939CIE+

“A Zionist State in 1939,” Dr. Kenneth W. Stein, CHAI (Atlanta), Winter 2002 “Had not the Nazi crimes been committed against Jews during World War II, the Jewish State would have never come true.” So…

<span class="cie-plus-title">Hillel Cohen, “Army of Shadows,” Showing Regular Palestinian Arab Collaboration With Zionists Through 1947</span><span class="cie-plus-badge">CIE+</span>

Hillel Cohen, “Army of Shadows,” Showing Regular Palestinian Arab Collaboration With Zionists Through 1947CIE+

Irrefutable evidence shows Palestinian Arab collaboration with Zionists during the British Mandate greatly assisted Jewish state building. Cohen further asserts a general absence among Palestinians of a sense of national feeling, with loyalties instead tied to families, villages and other localities. Quite certainly without Palestinian Arab collaboration, Zionists would not have succeeded in building a nucleus for the Jewish state. Arabic newspapers in Palestine and British scrutiny show the constancy of the Arab population’s engagement with the Zionists, and this included Arabs resident inside Palestine.